Mollie Gillen in her Founders of Australia implies the tenuousness of detail about 2nd. Lieutenant Robert Ross's service in North America during the Seven Years' War (1756-1763) when she notes that he was 'said to be present at the siege of Louisbourg ... in 1758 and at the capture of Quebec in September 1759.' (p.314.) We know he probably left Plymouth (England) aged 18, in late February 1758 for Halifax, Nova Scotia, where he arrived about the end of the first week of May. He wintered in Halifax and was probably part of the naval blockade of Louisbourg from March 1758. (John Robson, Captain Cook's War and Peace, Sydney, 2009, pp.48-51.) Undoubtedly, he played some part in the landing at Garbarus Bay near Louisbourg on 7 June 1758, including the driving back of the French from outlying works and posts. (William Charles Henry Wood, The Great Fortress. A Chronicle of Louisbourg, 1720-1760. Vol. 8, Chronicles of Canada, Glasgow, 1920, p.110.) He was probably also involved siege preparations from 13 June, including the setting up of batteries. (Robson, p. 55.) though possibly mainly in supervising picket duty; use of marines this way freed up soldiers for duty of the siege works. Brigade Commander James Wolfe noted that 'all the officers of the Navy in general have given us their utmost assistance, and with the greatest cheerfulness imaginable.' (cited in Robson, p. 58.) This inter-service co-operation was to say the least, unusual, especially from the Royal Navy. Naval personnel thought more highly of dogs than they did of anybody from the Army.
Ross probably took part in the burning and capture of French ships in Louisbourg Harbour on 26 July, the day before the British imposed harsh surrender terms on the garrison (Fred Anderson, Crucible of War, London, 2001, pp.254-255). Indeed, he may have been wounded, (A list of the Additional manuscripts of the French and Indian War in the library of the Society, prepared from the originals under the direction of the library committee, http://www.archive.org/details/listofadditional00amer ) though that is unlikely. Ross probably viewed with equanimity the New Englander provincials' pursuit and massacre of the Native American allies. The New Englanders and Scottish Highlanders decapitated and scalped as many Indians as they could find. giving 'no quarter to anyone, and are scalping everywhere so you cannot know a French from an Indian scalp.' (Frank McLynn, 1759. The Year Britain Became Master of The World, London, 2005, p. 318.) The cause of this savagery was a desire for revenge for an Indian massacre of New Englander prisoners and others, men, women and children, following the British surrender to the French at Fort William Henry in August, 1757. (Anderson, Crucible of War, pp.196-199.) That suspicion of indigenous people would carry over for Robert Ross when he was Lieutenant Governor of New South Wales. Early on he thought Sydney's Aborigines, were by no means 'that harmless, inoffensive race they have in general been represented to be ...' (Ross, cited in Keith Willey, When the Sky Fell Down, Sydney, 1985, p. 69.) Growing Aboriginal hostility to the white presence at Sydney Cove evoked memories of the savagery of Amerindians during the Seven Years'War and the War for American Independence.
In later life Ross was something of 'a social monster' (Inga Clendinnen, Dancing with Strangers, Melbourne, 2003, p. 17) burdened by a large family and financial problems. (Major Ross to Under Secretary Nepean, Portsmouth, 27th April, 1787 in HRNSW, Vol. 1, Pt.2, Mona Vale, 1978, p. 93) His material problems blinded him to the beauty of the world around him. We have no record of his reaction to the Canadian wilderness, but in New South Wales in 1788 he was almost alone in denouncing the colony as 'vile' and of wretched prospect.' (Ross to Nepean, 16 November, 1788, in Tim Flannery (ed. and intr.) The Birth of Sydney, Melbourne, 2000. p. 82.)
Ross probably took part in the burning and capture of French ships in Louisbourg Harbour on 26 July, the day before the British imposed harsh surrender terms on the garrison (Fred Anderson, Crucible of War, London, 2001, pp.254-255). Indeed, he may have been wounded, (A list of the Additional manuscripts of the French and Indian War in the library of the Society, prepared from the originals under the direction of the library committee, http://www.archive.org/details/listofadditional00amer ) though that is unlikely. Ross probably viewed with equanimity the New Englander provincials' pursuit and massacre of the Native American allies. The New Englanders and Scottish Highlanders decapitated and scalped as many Indians as they could find. giving 'no quarter to anyone, and are scalping everywhere so you cannot know a French from an Indian scalp.' (Frank McLynn, 1759. The Year Britain Became Master of The World, London, 2005, p. 318.) The cause of this savagery was a desire for revenge for an Indian massacre of New Englander prisoners and others, men, women and children, following the British surrender to the French at Fort William Henry in August, 1757. (Anderson, Crucible of War, pp.196-199.) That suspicion of indigenous people would carry over for Robert Ross when he was Lieutenant Governor of New South Wales. Early on he thought Sydney's Aborigines, were by no means 'that harmless, inoffensive race they have in general been represented to be ...' (Ross, cited in Keith Willey, When the Sky Fell Down, Sydney, 1985, p. 69.) Growing Aboriginal hostility to the white presence at Sydney Cove evoked memories of the savagery of Amerindians during the Seven Years'War and the War for American Independence.
In later life Ross was something of 'a social monster' (Inga Clendinnen, Dancing with Strangers, Melbourne, 2003, p. 17) burdened by a large family and financial problems. (Major Ross to Under Secretary Nepean, Portsmouth, 27th April, 1787 in HRNSW, Vol. 1, Pt.2, Mona Vale, 1978, p. 93) His material problems blinded him to the beauty of the world around him. We have no record of his reaction to the Canadian wilderness, but in New South Wales in 1788 he was almost alone in denouncing the colony as 'vile' and of wretched prospect.' (Ross to Nepean, 16 November, 1788, in Tim Flannery (ed. and intr.) The Birth of Sydney, Melbourne, 2000. p. 82.)
Thanks Paul, I'm a fan!
ReplyDeleteHmm, did he mean that the *settlement* was vile or its environs? If the landscape, I'm honestly surprised more of them didn't find it unpleasant: hot, undomesticated, and with funny trees and animals; nothing like home.
ReplyDeleteBoth.
ReplyDelete"It may ... be said here nature is reversed; and if not so, she is nearly worn out, for almost all the seeds we have put into the ground has rotted [and] ...will like the wood of this vile country when burned or rotten, turn to sand.' etc, etc.
Its actually quite surprising how many of the early free settlers who had a choice to stay, did so. After 1792 84 First Fleeters (11 convicts, 70 marines and 3 sons of marines) joined the NSW Corps and stayed until at least 1810.26.5% of Second Fleet males have no record of death or departure up to roughly 1835. Similarly, 31% of women Second Fleeters up to roughly 1830 have no record of death or departure.
Phillip didn't want to leave, Hunter and King couldn't get back here quick enough.
There were some like Ross who hated the place. His is the most vociferous record. My impression is the bulk of settlers convict and free, tended to acclimatise pretty quickly. I think too much emphasis is placed on New South Wales being 'a barbarous land' (as Watkin Tench described it) and not enough won those who grew to love this strange and distant land.
Its worth noting, that, with the possible exception of Nova Scotia, this swift adaptability to one's environment was a hallmark of the first and early second British Empire.