Daniel Gordon's revolution was for the most part, a
revolution observed. On October 18, 1765 the Planter's Adventure
arrived at Charles Town Harbor and anchored off Fort Johnson on James
Island. Rumours spread ashore that the ship carried stamped paper
from London without which the Stamp Act could not be implemented on
November 1. Protests began immediately; among those involved were
members of the Charles Town Fire Company, whom Daniel knew. From the
beginning the protests were 'extraordinary and universal commotions'
that Charles Town's thousands of slaves could not but heed. Early the
next morning a twenty-foot high gallows was put up on the corner of
Broad and Church streets, where it could not be missed. Hanging from
it were an effigy of a stamp collector, a stuffed devil to its right
and to its left a boot with a papier-mache head stuck in it,
the latter representing George III's erstwhile supposed
eminence-grise, Lord Bute, now resigned. Around the
effigy's neck was a sign reading 'Liberty and No Stamp Act!'. Details of The Stamp Act may not have been of relevance to the city's slaves,
but the meaning of “Liberty' was absolutely clear, as was the
obvious conflict of opinion between their various masters. Before
long angry crowds were holding day-long meetings, determined to
prevent any landing of the stamps from the Planter's Adventure.
Some slaves accompanied their masters, perhaps even helped in the
early evening when the effigies were taken from the gallows and laid
in a coffin. In a two-thousand strong drunken funeral procession in
which some roistering blacks certainly took part, one of them perhaps
Daniel, the mob marched to the town green, where they burnt the
effigies, then buried their ashes in a coffin in the graveyard of St.
Michael's, to the peal of muffled bells. Daniel would not have been
privy to the expedition to Fort Johnson two nights later that
resulted in whatever stamps had been landed at the fort being
transported out of Charles Town's waters in a Royal Navy ship. At
news of this feat, '[u]niversal joy now prevailed.' The clamour
possibly woke Daniel but he is unlikely to have joined the
torch-carrying mob who rushed to the house of the Stamp Collector,
George Selby, suspicious he might have secreted stamps away. Selby
had fled, but his servants refused to allow his house to be
searched.. His windows were broken and threats made to tear the house
down. The mob then marched from house to house of government
officials, demanding stamps be handed over. At one residence the
owner provided them with a huge quantity of free rum punch, and the
crowd toasted 'Damnation to the Stamp Act.'1
Lieutenant-governor Bull shut the port on 1 November because of the
refusal to comply with the Stamp Act. Fourteen hundred sailors were
stranded ashore. For both slave and free alike walking down the
street in safety became ever more precarious. 'It was feared there
would be trouble with the slaves.' Unsurprisingly, with the white
lower orders and many of the middling sort behaving badly, it did not
take long for some slaves to band together and march through the city
'crying out Liberty.' A merchant's wife told the lieutenant-governor
she had heard two of her slaves discussing a planned massacre of
Charles Town's white population on Christmas Eve. Lieutenant-Governor
William Bull knew slave holiday celebrations culminated on that night
with 'the Firing of Guns by way of rejoicing,' making it impossible
for the local militia to distinguish the normal alarm signal
signifying a slave uprising. Told about the dangers the Council
immediately assented to the calling out of the militia and the
conscripting of the footloose ships' crews to maintain order. '[A]ll
were Soldiers in arms' 'for 10 or 14 days' 'in the most bitterly
cold weather in19 years' 'day and night' under the 'severest orders'
to suppress the slightest hint of black rebellion. Daniel Gordon and
his friends would have the bleakest Christmas and New Year
imaginable. Catawba Indians, who terrified the black man, were on
conspicuous stand-by to track any escaped rebels trying to flee white
justice. Street gossip spread how one master and his two slaves for
twelve days fixed bayonets to six hundred guns and put flints in
nearly a thousand muskets. Large numbers of runaways were sheltering
in the swamps and riverine forests but they were no threats to whites
any where. One slave was punished because he was 'a sad Dog' and to
'save appearances of white watchfulness, but in the end 'there was
little or no cause for all [the] bustle.'2
By the end of February even Bull was apprehensive about the 'near
1400 sailors' still in town 'beginning to grow licentious.' That
worry and the fact that 'commotions increas[ed] every hour' convinced
him to finally re-open the port. He began issuing clearances and
certificates to ships' masters stating that no stamps were available.
Daniel's colleagues in the Charles Town Fire Company, radicals all,
heard of a schooner laden with rice bound for Georgia, the only
mainland colony which had introduced the Stamp Act. Its captain tried
to sail at night but was stopped by the Fire Company's artisans and
forced to unload his cargo or have his vessel burnt at the wharf. The
Company's black labourers would not have been allowed to take part in
this intimidation, though they may have been present to help put out
the expected fire if it got out of control. Certainly by morning
Daniel and everybody else in Charles Town would have heard of the
rash enterprise.3
Protests heard in London ultimately forced the repeal of the Stamp
Act in the British Parliament. News of the repeal arrived in Charles
Town on May 6, 1766, 'and the Courts in South Carolina resumed their
duties...' The Sons of Liberty met under a huge oak in a pasture on
the edge of town, thereafter known as the Liberty Tree, and demanded
everyone illuminate their houses in celebration. Bells rang, the town
was 'illuminated, guns were fired, and bonfires and other
demonstrations of joy shown …' Everyone got drunk on rum. The
general goodwill, however, did not extend to blacks, local or
otherwise. The Grand Jury, rather, complained that 'slaves were out
at all times of the night' 'profanely cursing, swearing and talking
obscenely in the most public manner, to the great annoyance of every
[white] person, who has a sense of decency and justice.' It took
particular umbrage at the blacks partying 'on the Sabbath Day …
where it is not in the power of watchmen to suppress them.'4
Clearly, for Daniel Gordon and his friends, life was back to normal
in Charles Town.
1Richard
Walsh, Charleston's Sons of Liberty. A Study of the Artisans,
1763-1789,Columbia, 1959,
pp.37-38, 30; Wood, ' “Liberty is Sweet” … :, p.157; John
Drayton, Memoirs of the American Revolution: from its
Commencement to the Year 1776, … Vol.I, Charleston,
1821, pp.44-48.
2McDonough,
Christopher Gadsden and Henry Laurens,
p.73; Godbold and Woody, Christopher Gadsden and the
American Revolution, p.65;
Harris, The Hanging of Thomas Jeremiah,
pp.61-62; Wood, ' “Liberty is Sweet” …', pp.158-159; Gary B.
Nash, The Unknown American Revolution. The Unruly Birth of
Democracy and the Struggle to Create America, London,
2007, p.61; Sellers, Charleston Business on the Eve of the
American Revolution, p.129;
Morgan, 'Black Life in Eighteenth Century Charleston',
p.220;Hatley, The Dividing Paths,p.74;
and f/n 35 p.159; Morgan, Slave Counterpoint,
p.389.
3Merrill
Jensen, The Founding of a Nation. A History of the American
Revolution, 1763-1776, Indianapolis,
2004, p.138; Marc Egnal, A Mighty Empire. The Origins of
the American Revolution, Ithaca,
1988, p.230; Arthur Meier Schlesinger, The Colonial
Merchants of the American Revolution, 1763-1776,
New York, 1957, p.82; Walsh, Charleston's Sons of Liberty,
pp.38-39.
4John
Drayton, Memoirs of the American Revolution from its Commencement
to the Year 1776 …Vol. II,
Charleston, 1821, p.59; Harris, The Hanging of Thomas
Jeremiah, p.56; Jensen, The
Founding of a Nation, p.188;
The Interesting Narrative of Olaudah Equiano or Gustavus
Vassa, the African, Written by Himself, (e.
Werner Sollers), New York, 2001, p.95; Morgan, 'Black Life in
Eighteenth Century Charleston', p.207.